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155 lines
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155 lines
10 KiB
Manifesto for the Gynecene – Sketch of a New Geological Era •
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http://ro.tranzit.org/files/MANIFESTO-for-the-Gynecene.pdf •
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Alexandra Pirici & Raluca Voinea •
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2015 •
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At this point in time we believe a radical change in politics and the world socioeconomic system is
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needed in order to achieve a new balanced ecology and this radical change should start with a
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shifting of agency: we ask for the main agency to be shifted to the feminine principle – which we
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do not understand as excluding masculinity but as referring to a history of incorporating it and
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mobilizing it in a different way than the traditional patriarchal mobilization for violence: an
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emphasis on complementarity rather than antagonism, on resolutions of peace rather than
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militarism, on efforts directed towards construction, care and emancipatory exploration rather
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than destruction.
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We declare the imperative necessity for a new geological era to be commenced, before the
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Anthropocene is even officially admitted on that scale (it might be that by the time it gets fully
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acknowledged, it will be too late). Rather than continue to contemplate our annihilation,
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contributing to it or declaring hopelessness in front of it, we should at least try another approach
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– and this approach has to exclude patriarchy in all its expressions and institutionalized forms of
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violence: domination, exploitation, slavery, colonialism, profit, exclusion, monarchy, oligarchy,
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mafia, religious wars.
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This new geological era can be thought of as the Gynecene. Understanding the
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term does not mean thinking of a “women’s world” which excludes virility but as a world which
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mobilizes it towards humanist and animist goals rather than oppressive, violent and colonial
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enterprises. We see the feminine as equivalent not to a gender but to a condition, not a “natural”
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condition but a cultural one. The feminine is the first stage towards a transgressive humanism and
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the Gynecene is the first global and simultaneous transfer of the feminine imprint onto the physical
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and political strata (deeply connected as they are today) of the Earth.
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Moreover, trying to imagine a future ecology for the whole planetary assemblage, not only a future
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for the human race, we support the idea that any desirable mode of existence
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connected/integrated into nature-culture or constituted of equally important organic and
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inorganic life-forms (including an animistic perspective) cannot be separated from the human
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subject’s struggle to overcome oppression based on gender, race and class within the species.
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Insofar as we cannot speak of “man” – the human species – as a unity, we have to support these
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struggles as interconnected and fight them simultaneously, we need to imagine and constantly
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discuss the connections and similarities as well as the contradictions arising.
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1. •
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The female body has to cease functioning as a battlefield. The brutal reality of the female
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condition in general is its intrinsic physical vulnerability. Whatever soft power, it cannot
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be backed by hard power as usual. We support an empowering of women that is founded
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on a desired change of paradigm, where weakness is understood and respected as a
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valuable condition in itself, and at the same time on the possibility, accepted and detabooed,
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of technological transformations of the human body towards hybrid forms such
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as the cyborg. We are fighting the normalized body and the ideologies that marginalize
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“imperfections of” or “deviations from” this norm. We support preservation of difference
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as a choice but without an obligation of difference, feminism as a fight for real freedom of
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choice. We believe in the possibility of infinitely expanding and shifting bodily
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configurations and consciousness. As our physical and chemical limits also limit our
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perceptions and our experiencing of the world, we embrace transhumanism or expanded
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humanism as a possible solution to the challenge of belonging to the human race.
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2. •
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Only a radical left can oppose a growing radical right and recover the territory that
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remains to the forces of reaction. Only a strong belief – with universal ambitions – in
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equality of races and gender, in equal rights for women, queers, the poor and the
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disenfranchised, in negotiation with animal rights and the rights of inorganic entities – all
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linked together – can stand against and oppose an expansive and interconnected politics
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of exclusion, capitalist exploitation, religious fundamentalism, racism, sexism and brutal
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anthropocentrism.
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3. •
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A radical left has to oppose physical violence in conjunction with the opposition to
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economic or symbolic violence. Jobs in the arms industry or trade are feeding several
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families while destroying thousands others. Domestic violence is not depending on the
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degree of wealth or education. Hunting for pleasure or destroying natural and cultural
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monuments that are part of humanity’s patrimony are not class-related. Therefore the
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new, truly radical left has to rebuild itself on a different type of revolution, which takes us
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beyond the traditional class antagonisms and can face the neo-tribal reality of today in
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which violence breeds violence, justice is used as a tool for revenge and critique of power
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is increasingly powerless. While the world peace has been a goal of many states, attempted
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at through different international treaties, it has always failed into more arming and lately
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it has completely degenerated into the obsession of security, enforced through the
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militarization of the police force and the increasing surveillance of every aspect of our
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existence. Any form of justice in a future sustainable society has to be imagined and
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exercised in another realm than that of retaliation, deprivation of basic human rights and
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brutality.
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4. •
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We consider the analysis of capitalism and its catastrophic consequences is complete and
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time has come to move on. Any time spent on “revealing” the more subtle or more flagrant
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inconsistencies of this system’s adepts is a time lost in achieving a better present and
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future. We must spare energy and unite forces in providing for this better future as of now.
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“We have more important things to do than to try to get you to come around. You will
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come around when you have to, because you need us more than we need you. . . .”
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(Shulamith Firestone)
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Also, capitalism in itself cannot be extracted and separated from discussions around all
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conservative politics and conservative views, as we have understood that neoliberalism is
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not truly liberal but a rather paradoxical mix of advocacy for economic “freedom” and
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racist, sexist and conservative extrapolations of nuclear family/dynasty values. It is not an
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external, malignant, alien entity but a set of historic conditions and current practices,
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which instead of introjecting we have to learn how to live without.
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5. •
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In order to achieve a truly pluralistic society where possibilities can be enacted, we
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support the universalism of basic human rights as a common ground for a broader, interspecies
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and inter-objective politics of inclusion and true respect for difference. The Earth
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is no longer a big and ungraspable planet, but a shared living room (a shrinking one,
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moreover) in which we have to coexist by negotiating and conciliating our different views
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and practices, while recognizing we can only do that through a reciprocal process and
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towards the un-negotiable goal of equality of gender, race, class and sexual orientation,
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with no second class citizens. Also, the instrumentalisation and use by double standards
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of the concept of “freedom” is by no means a reason to abandon it altogether, but a
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reminder that we must constantly fight for it.
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6. •
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Natural resources are a common good. Everyone should have equal access to them.
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Economic equality should be the basis of society and therefore we strongly support the
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universal basic income. Equal and free access to healthcare, lodging, education and to
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culture should be granted for everyone, at any time of their life.
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Communities should be self-governed, in the interest of the communities (as well as of all
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the individuals that are part of them). Everyone should have the right of free movement,
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in the spirit of a universal citizenship. We also support a certain ambition to overcome the
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imperative to work through technological advancement (see point 8).
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7. •
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Pluralism is possible only on the ground of a universal, secular frame which allows for a
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certain relativisation of belief. We can only respect and support religion that is compatible,
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in its majoritarian practices and interpretations, with the right to a secular education
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(which can guarantee the least freedom of choice in matters of religion), that embraces
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equal rights for women, queers and non-believers and a politics of freedom rather than a
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politics of submission and interdiction, apart from protecting basic human rights. We can
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only respect and support religion that is based on a freedom of experimenting and
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observing, not on a prescriptive set of rules, interdictions and punishments proclaimed by
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a patriarchal, self-asserted authority perfectly mimicking the structure of a monarchy or
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a dictatorship. Providing easy and simple answers for the complexity of human existence
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might fake the offering of a “meaning” and help some survive, but it will never help us
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evolve.
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8. •
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We also believe the emancipatory use of sustainable technology has to play an important
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part in any future ecology, including the protection and preservation of “nature”, just as
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much as a needed change in our position towards nature and its exclusive understanding
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as resource for endless consumption. Our ability to negotiate between the two will be of
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crucial importance for constructing a future ecology. Development of technology must be
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pursued in agreement with the respect for nature and its limits and it must not be
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submitted to private interests or corporate profit. Technology is a cultural asset and
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together with the rest of culture, it must be made public, open and free, put to the benefit
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of emancipating humanity while not destroying everything else around it.
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Alexandra Pirici and Raluca Voinea •
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January 2015, Bucharest and Bologna. •
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